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Soured relationships hinder reconciliation

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By  Arthur Wamanan and Sandun Jayawardana in Aluthgama Sunday, 20 July 2014 00:00

 

“We live together. But we don’t talk anymore,” says Mrs. Mohideen“We live together. But we don’t talk anymore,” says Mrs. Mohideen Pics by Chandana Wijesinghe

Aluthgama after one month

One month after the unrest, Dharga Town is now buzzing with a lot of reconstruction activities. The houses and shops that were damaged are being renovated and rebuilt by the security personnel.On the outside, everything looks calm, though there is still a significant security presence. Those affected have slowly started to move on with their lives, but the memories of the harrowing experience they faced are still afresh.

Dharga Town is a home for Muslims and Sinhalese. They have lived together for generations and have shared their joys and sorrows. It’s not a typical village where both communities live in groups or blocks. They live among each other. But the flames which gutted the houses and shops last month, not only destroyed their homes, but also the unity and understanding they shared for decades.

“We have a Muslim neighbor. We helped each other in the past. We helped them to use our house to arrange all the food items when one of their family members got married. They too helped us a lot. But now, they don’t even look at us and we don’t look at them,” says W. Sumuduni, a mother of three, as she looks on at her house, which was burnt down, being renovated by military personnel. Hers was among six houses that were attacked on the evening of June 15. The Sinhalese living in them, all members of an extended family, escaped and hid in the nearby woods, she said. 

The story is the same for the Muslims who were affected by the unrest. “We live together. But we don’t talk anymore,” says Mrs. Himaya Mohideen as she stands under the burning sun inside her house. They do not see eye-to-eye. They do not smile at each other. “But we are not angry at them. There are people who have spoken to us and have empathized at our situation. But the gap is wider,” she said.

Meanwhile, Nafeesathul Thaira Haniffa, a retired teacher hailing from Gampola, explained her harrowing experience to The Nation and broke into tears as she held her beloved father’s photo, damaged during the unrest, which she had preserved for years. The photo, however, was restored thanks to the military personnel who gifted a framed picture of her father. She now runs a Montessori in her home and also teaches English to those who are employed. However, these activities have been put on hold after the attack on her home. 

She still shudders when she recollects the incident where several men armed with rods, knives and sticks barged into her room. She had been told of a procession in the area and had therefore hid her money and jewelry items in her cupboard. “But it opened at the mere touch of those who came,” she said. 

Amity
But they did not harm her after she had pleaded with them and had told them of her family. She was allowed to leave her home unharmed. However, she claims that her belongings were looted. She was handed over to the officers of the Special Task Force (STF), who, in turn, ensured that she be handed over to someone known to her in a safe area.She once again broke into tears as she recalled the love and affection extended towards her after the incident. “Many of my Sinhalese students came to see me and said they would do anything for me,” she said.

Coping with the losses
The affected people from both communities are now faced with the challenge of coping with the losses they had faced. The houses are being built. But residents say that they will not be able to get back on their feet for some time as they have to earn everything back, Sumuduni told us. The story is very much the same once again on the other side. Zarook Hajjiyar sits amidst burnt vehicles on a plastic chair with one of its arms broken. He has been involved in vehicle business for over 25 years and has been successful. “But everything went in one night,” he said. He lost seven vehicles. His house and his office building were completely damaged.

“The challenge is how to get back all I have lost. I managed to save my life and the lives of my family. But I do not have a cent with me,” he said. 
Most of those who came to attack seemed to be outsiders, “but some locals had to have come with them to point out which places belonged to Muslims and which to Sinhalese,” Hajjiyar observed, once again outlining the sense of betrayal and mistrust felt by the communities in the aftermath. 
Anger at Police, STF continues

Repairs are still being conducted at the Masjid Noor Mosque in Dharga Town, which had been heavily damaged in the violence. Azmy, one of Mosque’s trustees, said it had been attacked three times within the space of several hours on June 15, and finally set on fire. 
A mob stormed it at around 6.30pm. They had beaten several adults who were inside. The children, they had spared and chased away. At around midnight, someone hurled a grenade into the mosque’s courtyard, while the entire place was set on fire at around 3.00am, the trustee claimed. 
He said police Special Task Force (STF) personnel had been in the area when the incident occurred. “How could they not prevent the burning, even after knowing about the two previous attacks?”

Rebuilding
The military has been entrusted with the duties of rebuilding and renovating houses and business establishments that were damaged. Accordingly, 94 houses and 137 shops in Aluthgama, Dharga Town and Beruwla are to be renovated by the military. According to Military Spokesperson Brigadier Ruwan Wanigasooriya, 27 houses and 47 shops have suffered severe damages while 67 houses and 90 shops have suffered partial damages. The Government had allocated Rs.200 million for the renovation activities out of which Rs.130 million will be used for reconstruction of houses and shops. 

Biased media
At the Kurunduwatta Sri Vijayaramaya, Chief Incumbent Ven. Ayagama Samitha Thera said problems still persist in the area. Ven. Samitha Thera, whose alleged assault by three Muslim youths on Poson Poya Day set off the chain of events that eventually spiraled into deadly communal violence, said anger among the Sinhalese would subside a great deal if the police would only enforce the law equally. “But this is not the case in Dharga Town,” he lamented. 
Ven. Samitha Thera has been Chief Incumbent of the Sri Vijayaramaya temple for five years, which is the longest time a monk had held that position there since 1989. The reason, he claims, is that some extremists within the Muslim community constantly harass monks at the temple, forcing them to leave. 
Listing incidents that took place prior to his assault, he stated no action had still be taken to arrest persons who left the head and hoofs of a butchered bull in front of the temple, while he spends some Rs.6000 on a three-wheeler to transport his Samanera monks for studies at a Pirivena. The three-wheeler’s use was necessitated after the Samanera monks were repeatedly subjected to verbal abuse as they walked to the Pirivena and back through Dharga Town. 
Ven. Samitha Thera, however, emphasized most Muslims in the area are decent human beings. “It is only a few extremists who are trying to create trouble”. 
Pointing to some houses that adjoin the temple, the Thera says, “Those are houses of Muslims. There is no animosity between me and them. Some of them come to me for help, and I do all that can be done. Even during the Sinhala New Year, I distribute to them the kavili people bring to the temple”. 
The six Sinhalese houses that were attacked and destroyed lie near the Pathirajagoda Sri Vivekaramaya temple. Speaking to us, its Chief Incumbent Ven. Badalkumbure Ariyashantha Thera criticized ‘biased’ media coverage of the incident, which he claimed portrayed Sinhala Buddhists and Buddhist monks as ‘barbarians’. 

“The main issue we have with the media and others is that no one seems to be willing to even acknowledge that we, the Sinhala Buddhists, were subjected to a grave injustice,” the Thera explained. He also addressed accusations leveled by some members of the Muslim community that he had a role in encouraging violence and that he was a member of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS). 

“The six houses that were destroyed belong to people who come to this temple. They are members of my Dayaka Sabha. Even now, I basically go hungry on the days it is their turn to offer alms to the temple since they cannot afford to do so right now. The house of the three Muslim youths (brothers of the same family) who assaulted Ven. Samitha Thera is located near my temple. No one has even thrown a stone at it. If I was eager for violence, I could have roused all the Sinhalese in the area when our houses were attacked and torched. I was the one who calmed people down and urged them not to retaliate,” the Thera added. Showing newspaper clippings of him helping Muslims and working with them side by side, Ven. Ariyashantha Thera dismissed accusations of racism. “If we were racist, would we be doing this?” 

Welipenna largely ignored
The Sinhala majority area of Welipenna also witnessed violence, where it is alleged a mob of Muslim youths made their way through on the evening of June 16, smashing shops and attacking the Buddha mandiraya located there. “They first attacked my house and then started throwing stones at the Buddha mandiraya. Some of them even made their way up the steps and used swords to hack at the building,” Nilantha Peiris, who is also the President of the Welipenna Sinhala Buddhist Organization said, as he showed the damage caused by the attack, some of which is still visible.While several policemen were on duty nearby, they did not prevent the attack, he charged, claiming the Welipenna police had been bought by ‘illegal cattle traders’. 

“There has been no racism our part here, though some have tried to portray it as such. There was an incident where some Sinhalese and an illegal cattle trader in the area had a drunken argument at a party, leading to a filling station belonging to the trader to be set on fire. He and some others then used it to go on a rampage through Welipenna attacking Sinhalese,” Peiris claimed. Weeeratunga Mudalali’s shop was one of those that came under attack. The top floor had sustained severe damage from stones and missiles, and soldiers were still engaged in repairing it. 

Noting that Minister Champika Ranawaka was the only Parliamentarian to visit and inspect the damage in the area, Weeratunga Mudalali expressed frustration that though it’s now been over a month, none of the district’s MPs had bothered to even show up. “It doesn’t matter, if they don’t give us any aid. At least they should have had the decency to come and see for themselves”. 

Police deny
The Police have denied allegations that their failure to ensure law and order and biased manner in which they conducted themselves had aggravated the tense situation in Dharga Town, Aluthgama and Beruwala.Speaking to The Nation, Police Spokesperson, SSP Ajith Rohana stated that the Police acted in a fair manner in handling the situation and was not partial in its actions and its investigations.He stated that there was an understanding between the Moulavis and the Buddhist monks that they would ensure that the people do not resort to activities that would disturb normal life and the peaceful environment. “However, the situation got out of hand,” he said.

Govt. Analyst’s investigation
The Government Analyst’s Department said it had commenced tests and investigations on the destruction caused during the unrest in Dharga Town, Aluthgama and Beruwala.Government Analyst, Sakunthala Tennakoon told The Nation that a team of three officers were sent to the affected areas and they had collected the necessary details in order to conduct the tests.

“We are in the process of conducting tests. We cannot tell a specific timeframe on when these tests could be concluded,” she said.
The Kalutara Magistrate earlier this month had ordered for the suspension of debris clearance as the Government Analyst’s Department was yet to conduct necessary tests following arson attacks during the unrest.(The Nation would like to thank Mr. Mathugama Seneviruwan and others for their assistance)

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Top floor of Weeratunga Mudalali’s shop

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Soldiers restoring the Masjid Noor Mosque 

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Ven. Badalkumbure Ariyashantha Thera

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Ven. Ayagama Samitha Thera

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Zarook Hajjiyar, next to one of his burnt-out vehicles

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Mrs. Haniffa with the framed photograph of her father, which was gifted by the army

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Soldiers at work repairing the houses of Sinhalese

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Mrs. Mohinudeen’s house

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Weeratunga Mudalali

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Azmy, the trustee of Masjid Noor Mosque


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Area of Mrs. Hanifa’s Montessori

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Mrs. W. Sumuduni

http://www.nation.lk/edition/news-features/item/31476-soured-relationships-hinder-reconciliation.html

 

 

Call for extending Hajj quotas to non-Muslim travel agents

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By A. M. Jazeel, Addalaichenai Corr.


Islamic Religious Education Mission, in a letter sent to President Mahinda Rajapaksa alleges that the allocation of Hajj quotas to the travel agents this year has been done in a fraudulent manner.


It has suggested that the quotas should not be limited to Muslim travel agents and others must also be allowed to organise Hajj pilgrimages.


The mission also alleges that Hajj committee has failed to be of any use to Hajj pilgrims; both Hajj Committee and the Department of Muslim Cultural Affairs do not care about the pilgrims’ grievances and welfare and they have taken no action against errant travel agent even though there are written complaints from pilgrims.


Secretary of the Mission Abdul Hassan alleged that some influential persons in the Muslim Community and certain travel agents were earning millions of rupees in the month of Hajj by exploiting pilgrims.


Secretary, Ministry of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs, contacted for comment on the failure of the Department of Muslim Religious Affairs to inquire into complaints against the errant travel agents, admitted that there were certain shortcomings in the department and undertook to look into them and take remedial action.

 

http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=106933

 

The BBS and a catalyst for a Buddhist Muslim conflict

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By Harim Peiris


The Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), Sri Lanka’s catalyst for opening up a new Buddhist verses Muslim conflict, perhaps due to boredom now that a thirty year civil war has ended, follows more by design than accident a classic military strategy of an escalation or advancement and then a tactical retreat due to over reach. Immediately after the previous attacks as well, whether in Dambula or Nugegoda, there was silence for awhile and similarly after the anti Muslim events of "Dark June 2014", there has been a steady denial both by the state security establishment and the extremist perpetrators of responsibility for the violence, the former denying connivance and the latter denying instigation. Both want to blame a spontaneous mob.


Sri Lankan society unequivocally condemns Political leaders, both those allied with the government and the opposition have taken aim at the BBS as an extremist group bent on violence against religious minorities, both Muslims but also Christians. The Government’s own ministers ranging from Rishard Bathuideen to Vasudeva Nanayakkara and including such stalwarts as DEW Gunasekera and Tissa Vitharana have been unequivocal in their condemnation of the BBS. The main opposition UNP, through its media spokesman former minister Mangala Samaraweera has directly held the state intelligence agencies responsible for support to the BBS, while the UNP’s area MP for Beruwela and Aluthgama, Palitha Thewaperuma has also alleged police cover up. Lawyers have alleged that the JMO is falsifying evidence regarding the deaths of the three Muslim persons, claiming stab wounds, when they were actually gunshot injuries, raising the question as to who carried guns that day. The Bar Association has formally lodged a complaint with the Attorney General’s department regarding the BBS and understandably the ethnic minority parties are even more concerned, with Minister Rauff Hakeem a publicly troubled man and TNA leader R.Sambanthan condemning the anti Muslim violence. Even President Rajapakse felt compelled to visit the victims, talk vaguely of compensation and thereafter claim, quite correctly, that the true Buddhist path was both moderate and non violent. Clearly the Sri Lankan polity is reacting negatively to the Aluthgama and Beruwela violence and the response has been two fold. Firstly the standard blanket denials, lacking much credibility but now more insidiously, a rationale for the violence.


The Dalada Maligawa attack did not enrage mobs The General Secretary of the BBS in a full page interview in a leading national newspaper, on Wednesday 16th July has sought to articulate what in essence is an excuse for not just the violence which occurred but also possibly lay the ground work for future violence. Firstly the ethics of giving extremist groups, the oxygen of free publicity and the veneer of respectability through media interviews, is itself an issue which should be avoided, given that Deputy Minister Faizer Mustapha is on record stating that the media should bear some responsibility for the rise of extremist groups, due to giving them undue prominence and free publicity. They are also intolerant, even of other monks, voicing contrary views and attack their press conferences


In the interview, the BBS chief states that a mob became incensed due to an alleged assault on a Buddhist monks, three days prior to that. However, mobs get enraged spontaneously and immediately, not after a three day cooling off period, unless instigated and orchestrated thereafter. The alleged assault on the monk or his driver over a traffic altercation was anyway before the courts. So the BBS rally was a contempt of court, since it was about a matter pending before courts.


Moreover, the gravest and most dastardly, cowardly and utterly contemptible attack of all time on the religious traditions of our country and society was the Dalada Maligawa attack by the LTTE. However, to the credit of Sri Lanka and her then leaders, there was no anti-Tamil pogroms or a repeat of Black July’83, the folly of attacking civilians for a terrorist outrage had been learned. Highly unlikely that a traffic altercation unlearns those lessons without a lot of help .


A possible ground work for future violence


The most troubling aspect of the BBS rationale for the violence of the past, is the ground work that it lays for further violence. Firstly is the claim that there are Muslim extremists and that it is these forces should be examined. The staunchly pro government National Shoora Council and the All Ceylon Jamaiyyatul Ulama are the BBS definition of extremist. Even if one considered some unknown Muslim activist groups in the East, there activities are not violent. Just perhaps fervent in religious belief and practice. As one young social media activist put it quite simply after Aluthgama "some people seem more interested in fighting and killing for their religion than in practicing its teachings and precepts".


The other rationale for further violence lies in the premise, advanced by the BBS, that Sinhala Buddhists face threats from the other minority religious groups, the government is doing nothing about it and hence this may lead to further violence. Now the theory that Sinhala Buddhism is under siege, rather than progressing has been a thesis argued in the political arena especially by the JHU and also the NFF. Especially during the Rajapaksa presidency this message has just not resonated with the public. It is hard to imagine or portray President Mahinda Rajapaksa as being a betrayer of Sinhala Buddhists in anyway. On the contrary, both the Tamil and Muslim communities, through their voting behavior clearly see his administration as hostile to them. Conversely the JHU and the NFF, which have been raising alarm bells about threats to Sinhala Buddhism has fared very poorly at the recent provincial polls. A message that does not resonate with voters, is now being touted by the BBS as the rationale for violence.

 

http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=106919

   

'Fascists' in saffron robes? The rise of Sri Lanka's Buddhist ultra-nationalists

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By Tim Hume, CNN
July 18, 2014 -- Updated 0016 GMT (0816 HKT)

BBS general secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara at a press conference in 2013.
BBS general secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara at a press conference in 2013.
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • An ultra-nationalist Buddhist group has been campaigning against Muslims in Sri Lanka
  • The Bodu Bala Sena is blamed by many for inciting religious riots that left 3 Muslims dead
  • A month on, a monk who gave an inflammatory speech before the riots has not been charged
  • Observers say it appears the group is operating with impunity, fueling the fears of minorities

(CNN) -- Shortly before Buddhist mobs made a deadly rampage through Muslim neighborhoods near the town of Aluthgama, Sri Lanka last month, a man with cropped hair and glasses stood before expectant crowds to deliver an explosive speech.

Video footage of the rally, called following a traffic altercation between Muslim youths and a Buddhist monk in the coastal town, captures the speaker in full flight.

In a pointed reference to the security forces stationed nearby, he declares that the Sri Lankan police and army are Sinhalese, the mostly Buddhist ethnic majority that accounts for three-quarters of the island's 20 million people.

Then, his arm raised and his voice rising to a shriek, he issues an explicit threat to Muslims, using a derogatory term for the minority.

To roars of approval, he vows that if any Muslim, were to lay a hand on a Sinhalese -- let alone a monk -- that would "be the end" of all of them.

In pictures: Deadly riots in Sri LankaIn pictures: Deadly riots in Sri Lanka

What is striking about the clip, aside from the viciousness of the rhetoric, is that the firebrand behind the microphone is dressed in the saffron robes of a Buddhist monk.

He is Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, the Buddhist holy man who is the general secretary and public face of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS, also known as Buddhist Power Force).

The ultra-nationalist Sinhalese Buddhist organization has emerged as a troubling presence on the Sri Lankan political landscape in recent years, and is blamed by many for inciting the deadly violence in Aluthgama.

"It was already a tricky situation," said Mohamed Hisham, a social media activist and businessman, who was raised in Dharga Town, a Muslim neighborhood near Aluthgama that bore the brunt of the violence.

"But I believe the presence (of the BBS) had a major impact. They are to be blamed for inciting what happened."

Nights of terror

The community is feeling that if they can go scot-free after causing this kind of mayhem, what lies ahead?
Mohamed Hisham, who grew up in ransacked Muslim neighborhood

What happened, according to witnesses and officials, is that shortly after the speech, Buddhist mobs marched through Muslim neighborhoods, ransacking dozens of homes and shops. Three Muslim men were killed, and sixteen seriously injured in the two nights of violence that followed, police said.

One month on from the violence, described as the worst attacks on Muslims in the country in years, 135 people have been arrested, police say.

But while Gnanasara has given a statement to police about the events of the day, he has yet to face any charges. A national police spokesman said officers were still considering whether he had played a role in inciting the violence. "We need to check whether he has provoked the men by making this speech," he said.

The facts that the BBS's chief demagogue walks free, that authorities allowed the rally to proceed, and that they failed to prevent the violence have created an impression that the group operates with impunity, said Hisham, fueling the fears of Muslims.

"The community is feeling that if they can go scot-free after causing this kind of mayhem, what lies ahead?"

For his part, Gnanasara rejected the suggestion that the BBS was in any way culpable for the violence, telling CNN at the group's Colombo headquarters that it had "no involvement" in the incidents at Aluthgama.

We continue to be blamed for the incidents and portrayed as Sinhala extremists. This is unfair and incorrect
Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara, BBS general secretary

"On the contrary, our organization was trying to defuse the tension after a monk was assaulted by a group of Muslim youths," he said. "We continue to be blamed for the incidents and portrayed as Sinhala extremists. This is unfair and incorrect."

Gnanasara was among a group of monks that visited the Ministry of Mass Media and Information Wednesday to file a complaint about news coverage of the Aluthgama incident, alleging the reports had disrespected Buddhism, Sri Lankan media reported.

In an earlier statement on the BBS's website -- prompted by the cancellation of Gnanasara's U.S. visa in the aftermath of Aluthgama -- the group condemned the violence there, but acknowledged that BBS representatives had "delivered emotional speeches emphasizing the need to protect Sinhala Buddhists, who are actually a very small global minority."

'Saffron fascism'

Others believe concerns about the BBS are well founded.

Dayan Jayatilleke, a political scientist and former Sri Lankan diplomat, referred to the group's politics as "saffron fascism" and described it as "a wholesaler of the ideology of hate, especially Islamophobia."

A monk from the BBS remonstrates with a police officer at the Trade Ministry in Colombo in April.
A monk from the BBS remonstrates with a police officer at the Trade Ministry in Colombo in April.

While the BBS remained a fringe movement, he said, it appeared to be gaining influence among Buddhist clergy. "(The BBS) have to be taken very seriously indeed."

Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of Sri Lanka's Centre for Policy Alternatives, believed the group, which he described as a purveyor of "classic hate speech," had become emboldened by the lack of censure over the events at Aluthgama.

"Their more violent or aggressive demonstrations of power, involving even criminal acts, have gone unpunished," he told CNN.

"They seem to have a lot of support, if not protection, from within the regime itself."

He added that there had been insufficient denunciation of the group, both from Buddhist authorities and the state.

"Disciplinary action should be taken from within the priesthood against people who are, in the name of Buddhism, violating every single thing that Buddhism stands for."

Militant Buddhism

Along with their co-religionists in Myanmar -- where a monk-led anti-Muslim group, the 969 Movement, has been blamed for instigating deadly clashes -- Sri Lanka's Buddhists were the subject of a recent plea from the Dalai Lama during a speech on his birthday, calling on them to desist from violence against Muslims.

How is it that Buddhist monks -- exponents of a religion associated with peace and non-violence -- have come to be viewed as hate merchants?

Disciplinary action should be taken... against people who are, in the name of Buddhism, violating every single thing that Buddhism stands for
Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director, Centre for Policy Alternatives

Jayatilleke said that the rise of militant Buddhism should not be surprising. There had been a "fanatical strain running through Sinhala Buddhism for years," he said. One prime minister, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, was assassinated by a monk in 1959.

"In the history of religions, you have long periods of perversion of the ideals of the original founder," he said.

Formed in 2012, the Bodu Bala Sena was born as a vehicle to more stridently defend Sinhalese Buddhism, when Gnanasara and a fellow monk broke away from another monk-led Sinhalese nationalist party, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). Gnanasara had previously run as a political candidate for the JHU, a member of President Mahinda Rajapaksa's ruling alliance.

Since its formation, the group has campaigned on issues including alleged poor treatment of Sri Lankan Buddhists working in the Middle East, Christian evangelization, anti-Buddhist riots in Bangladesh and hotels featuring "Buddha bars" popular with foreign tourists, often storming venues in organized "direct actions" to make its point.

Islam targeted

But overwhelmingly its target has been Sri Lanka's Muslim community, which accounts for about 10% of the population.

Issues raising its ire have included halal certification, the burqa, mosque construction, Islamic conversion and alleged Islamic militancy -- in a country with no history of domestic Islamic extremism. So why are Muslims suddenly in the cross-hairs?

Jayatilleke said that anti-Muslim sentiment within the Buddhist clergy had only arisen since 2009, when the 25-year civil war between the government and separatist Tamil rebels ended.

They found more mosques, stores, better educated young Muslims... And they lashed out
Dayan Jayatilleke, political scientist

"When the war was over, the Sinhalese looked around and found that while the two major communities were bashing each other, the Muslims had been at peace and had prospered," he said. "They found more mosques, stores, better educated young Muslims -- a changed profile after years of war. And they lashed out."

Saravanamuttu said the BBS's anti-Muslim rhetoric tapped into concerns about global jihadism, an "atavistic fear" of high Muslim birth rates and resentment of the perceived success of the Muslim business community.

It fed into a dominant ideology of aggressive Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism that was also pushed by the government, as a way of making itself seem "eternally relevant and needed," he said.

"It's a range of arguments to make the Muslims into 'the other' and say that the Sinhala nation is under threat and requires protection," he said.

Official protection?

The leeway the BBS has been given to carry out its activities has led many to speculate it must be operating with a degree of official sanction.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka\'s Secretary of Defence, with Gnanasara at a BBS-affiliated Buddhist academy that he officially opened in March last year.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sri Lanka's Secretary of Defence, with Gnanasara at a BBS-affiliated Buddhist academy that he officially opened in March last year.

But the question of how closely the BBS is tied, if at all, to Sri Lanka's government is murky.

The most powerful figure often associated with movement is Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the Secretary of Defense and the president's brother, who officially opened an academy linked to the BBS in Galle last year where he was photographed with Gnanasara, said Jayatilleke.

He had also spoken in support of the JHU, the BBS's allies, Jayatilleke said.

"Gotabaya Rajapaksa has been patronizing or been associated with the Sinhala religious right even before the BBS," he said.

But Brig. Ruwan Wanigasooriya, spokesman for the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development, said Rajapaksa had no relationship whatsoever with the BBS. He had been "more or less" compelled to attend the Galle opening ceremony due an invitation from a respected monk, said Wanigasooriya, and Gnanasara had merely been one among many monks present.

Wanigasooriya said Sri Lanka was a pluralistic democratic country in which religious organizations enjoyed freedom to operate, but that Rajapaksa deplored any form of violence.

Mohan Samaranayake, spokesman for Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, said there was "no protection or special treatment" for the BBS from the government, including Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Anyone who broke the law would face the consequences, he said.

"Even the Bodu Bala Sena general secretary was questioned" over the events that took place in Aluthgama, said Samaranayake. "Investigations are still ongoing. I cannot predict the outcome."

Gnanasara told CNN his organization had no backing from the government or Rajapaksa.

A political dilemma

Jayatilleke said that even if the BBS had once proven of some political benefit to the Rajapaksa regime, it now loomed as a problem.

The type of violence seen in Aluthgama was "completely unproductive as far as the government is concerned," he said.

Indeed, Gnanasara had criticized the president in his Aluthgama speech, claiming that the Sinhalese lacked a leader, in what Jayatilleke said seemed to be a direct appeal "to the Sinhala Buddhist sentiments of the armed forces and police."

If this is a country of law, it needs to be brought to bear on whoever breaks it -- irrespective of whether they're in robes or not
Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director, Centre for Policy Alternatives

The comments, he said, appeared to represent a bid by the Buddhist clergy to position itself "for the leading role in society and the state."

Despite the challenge to his authority, Jayatilleke said President Rajapaksa appeared to have made a calculation not to crack down on the BBS, as to do so ran the risk of triggering rioting, or making martyrs of them to their support base in the security forces.

"He doesn't want to make a hero of this guy. They'll probably box him in rather than lock him up."

Onlookers believe that calculation will carry its own consequences.

Hisham fears the unwarranted accusations of extremism could eventually become a self-fulfilling prophecy, pushing some members of his community in that direction as long as the BBS and its supporters were free to target them with impunity.

And Saravanamuttu predicted that in the absence of any censure, an emboldened BBS would only escalate its activities.

"Impunity breeds further violation," he said. "If this is a country of law, it needs to be brought to bear on whoever breaks it -- irrespective of whether they're in robes or not."

Journalist Iqbal Athas in Sri Lanka contributed to this report.

http://edition.cnn.com/2014/07/17/world/asia/sri-lanka-bodu-bala-sena-profile/index.html?hpt=hp_c4

 

 

Rizvi Hakeems Letter to editor - A response

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July 15th 2014

The Editor

Ceylon Today

Horton Place

Colombo 7

Dear Editor.

In the Ceylon Today of July 15th 2014, Mr Rizvi Hakeem, claiming to be a

Muslim and representing the Islamic Interfaith Movement has insinuated that

His Holiness the Dalai Lama did not specifically refer to Buddhist violence in

Sri Lanka and Myanmar in his speech made at the celebrations of his 79th

Birthday. Please see link to YOUTUBE video of the speech of His Holiness the

Dalai Lama's where he refers to the violence against Muslims by Buddhists

in Sri Lanka and Myanmar at 16 Minutes 35 seconds in his 31 one minute

speech. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QScjpN7Hx00#t=1150

It is regrettable that a Muslim and representing a Muslim organization

continues to mislead the Sri Lankan public of the important statement made by

one of the most respected Buddhist leaders in the world, highlighting the threat

to Buddhism from fascists groups who promote violence. This in itself calls in

to question the motive behind this letter to the newspaper and casts doubts on

the true identity of the author.

In March 2014 too, a group claiming to be "Moderate Muslims for a Peaceful

Sri Lanka" issued statements when the Geneva sessions were in progress to

one of the English dailies that had been fabricated by spin doctors with vested

interests.

Sri Lanka has had enough of violence and turmoil during the last two and half

decades. The drive towards peace and development that the Government

embarked since the end of the war in 2009 went up in flames with the two

days of rioting in Aluthgama and Beruwela, instigated by the venomous

speech by the Secretary General of Bodu Bala Sena, Galaboda Aththe

Gnanasara Thero. It is indeed ironic that the police have not any action against

this person who has soiled his hands with the blood of four persons dead and

caused damages houses, business and property running in to billions. He still

continues his hate campaign with impunity.

We kindly request the Ceylon Today newspaper and its editor to be vigilant

and not fall prey to undesirable elements that are creating communal tensions

Hilmy Ahamed

Vice President

Muslim Council of Sri Lanka

   

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